Poland, 1982, June, Committee in Support of Solidarity Report No. 4

Committee in support of solidarity Reports
Issue No. 4
June 25, 1982

IN THIS ISSUE

The Protests in May page 1

Reports about demonstrations on the 1st, 3rd and 13th of May

May 1982: Assessing the Situation page 5

Solidarity's Temporary Coordinating Commission examines the results of the May protests.

Prepare for the Ultimate Weapon: The General Strike page 7

Wladyslaw Frasyniuk, chairman of the Wroclaw region of 'Solidarity' writes to the membership.

Show Trials: The Next Repression? page 8

Those interned indefinitely since December 13th may face 'show trials' reminiscent of the Stalinist era.

You Now Have the Golden Horn page 10

Jacek Kuron continues the dialogue with Bujak and the 'Solidarity' leadership underground about the direction of the movement under a state of war.

Why I Will Not Emigrate page 15

An internee in Bialoleka Prison counsels fellow internees.

The Crazies page 20

Official letters regarding security for the May Day march, and the escape of a 'Solidarity' activist from the hospital.

'Radio Solidarnosc' Airs in Poznan page 22

Appeal to the International Labor Organization page 23

Nothing to Crow About page 25

A High School Student is Among Those Sentenced page 26

These items are the most recent that the Committee in Support of Solidarity has published through the date of this report.

For back reports, contact the Committee, specifying dates, titles, or subjects if possible.

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275 Seventh Avenue, 25th Floor, New York, N.Y. 10001

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The Committee in Support of Solidarity, based in New York, organizes efforts on behalf of the Solidarity movement in Poland and for general human rights for the Polish people.

One of the Committee's most important activities is to report information about the situation in Poland, which is gathered from underground Solidarity publications in Poland; the official Polish press; interviews with Polish citizens and foreign travelers who have been allowed to leave Poland; and Solidarity sources in Poland and in Europe.

The Committee in Support of Solidarity makes this information available in regular reports appearing weekly or biweekly, including press advisories and Polish-language bulletins; in editions of a quarterly journal, the Solidarnosc Bulletin; and in special reports describing and analyzing different aspects of the situation in Poland.

The Committee also:

* provides spokesmen to the press, television, and radio, and to meetings and seminars of colleges, unions, and community groups;

* maintains lists of the interned and arrested in Poland;

* advises humanitarian organizations on aiding the Polish people;

* advises private and official human rights organizations about the situation in Poland;

* prepares and delivers briefs and other testimony on the situation in Poland to the government and the Congress of the United States and to international bodies and private institutions;

* maintains public attention on the Polish situation through the sales of "Solidarnosc" T-shirts, stickers, and posters.

To get in touch with the Committee in Support of Solidarity about helping in its work, or with questions, information, or donations, please write: The Committee in Support of Solidarity

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or telephone (212) 989-0909. The press can call (212) 929-6966.

page 1

THE PROTESTS IN MAY

[Over the last month, underground 'Solidarity' publications have published extensive information concerning the protests, demonstrations, and strikes in Poland on May 1st, 3rd, and 13th. Although some of the events were reported by Western correspondents, travel and communications restrictions prevented a great deal of information from being reported. We have compiled a picture of those events from articles published in the eleventh, twelfth, and fourteenth issues of Mazowsze Weekly and the Solidarity Information Bulletin in the Warsaw Region, and Wladomosci (News), and from other materials received from Poland.]

May 1

On May 1st, the day of the traditional demonstration organized by the Polish United Workers Party, protest demonstrations against the military junta were organized nationwide in over twenty cities. The announcement for the May 1st demonstration had been distributed in leaflets days before.

Warsaw and Gdansk saw the two largest demonstrations, each with more than 50,000 participants. In Warsaw, the demonstration grew in strength after a crowd left mass at the Cathedral of St. John, marching with banners reading 'Solidarity is Democracy,' 'Free Lech,' and 'Down With the Junta.' A second demonstration of ten thousand was blocked off by the police from the larger one being held in the streets of Warsaw's Old Town section. At one point, the blocked demonstrators mocked the military junta, whose acronym WRON means 'crow' in Polish, by crowing and waving their arms like birds at the police. In both cases, the police did not use force against the demonstrators, and merely tried to cordon off streets from the participants.

On this day, the decision was made to demonstrate on May 3rd, the traditional holiday commemorating the first Polish Constitution of 1792--celebration of which the communists have banned since World War II because it marks Polish independence.

In Gdansk, the demonstration began at 10:00 A.M. at the memorial statue commemorating those slain by the police during the 1970 workers strikes. Slogans similar to those of May 1st were seen on banners, along with ones like 'Junta to Moscow.' As the demonstrators, their numbers estimated as high as 60,000, walked through the streets, they threw red flags into the gutters, and a number of young boys with a fourteen gallon can of white paint wrote slogans on the walls such as 'Free Lech. Imprison Wojciech,' 'Try the Junta,' 'The Crow Will Die,' and 'All Crows to Red Square.'

They marched to the building that housed 'Solidarity' headquarters in Gdansk before the police confiscated it on December 13. Two boys climbed up the side of the building and hung a 'Solidarity' banner.

News of other demonstrations have also reached the West. In Elblag, 2,000 people gathered near a statue commemorating the 1970 strikers; the police intervened.

Other demonstrations took place in such cities as Lodz (with more than 10,000 demonstrators), Bialystok, Szcecin (with 15,000 demonstrators) and in the Silesia Region. Many were dispersed by police and demonstrators were detained.

May 3

Warsaw

In the afternoon, a crowd gathered in the Old Town, waiting for celebration of Mass in St. John's Cathedral. Detachments of the ZOMO blocked all the streets in the neighborhood. At about 4 o'clock the first Solidarity banners appeared. Leaflets and underground publications were being distributed. After Mass, the demonstration formed, and the ZOMO attacked with water cannons and tear gas. Riot police managed to disperse the demonstration. Attempts to organize other demonstrations in various parts of Warsaw were met with brutal attacks by the ZOMO. Riots broke out as militia and demonstrators clashed. Only late in the evening did the city calm down.

Elblag (near Gdansk)

Residents gathered around the monument commemorating workers killed in December, 1970. Around 5 o'clock, the ZOMO and militia attacked the gathering. Riots broke out in several parts of the city. Similar incidents occured the next day as well.

Szcecin

Workers from the Warski Shipyard started marching toward the cemetery where the bodies of workers killed in 1970 were laid. The peaceful demonstration was attacked by the ZOMO using tear gas. Police also attacked people returning home from work. Riots broke out in various parts of the city, and lasted until late in the evening.

Gliwice (in Silesia)

In response to the appeal from the Temporary Coordinating Commission, residents gathered in the center of the city. They marched towards the Church of St. Peter and St. Paul, where a special Mass was to be held. 15,000 people attended the Mass. The armored police did not attack the crowd. Instead, they arrested anyone wearing a 'Solidarity' button.

Lublin

A special Mass was held in every church in the city. Afterwards, 12,000 people gathered in a demonstration. Detachments of the ZOMO and the army blocked the route. A girl stepped out in front and handed flowers to one of the soldiers. The troops cleared the way for the march.

Later in the evening, the ZOMO attacked people praying at an outdoor ceremony, and arrested large numbers of people, especially young people.

May 13

On May 13th, a fifteen minute general strike was called by the Temporary Coordinating Commission [See CSS REPORTS Issue, No.3] and was announced in numerous regions in leaflets, bulletins, and on Radio Solidarity May 9th.

Although 'preventive' internment of Solidarity activists and students took place beforehand, the strike was markedly successful.

In Warsaw, at noon, 70% to 80% of the work crews began the fifteen minute strike, demanding the release of prisoners, freedom of the press, abolition of the state of war, and the reinstatement of Solidarity. Cars and buses stopped for one minute at noon, honking their horns and delaying traffic.

In many factories, soldiers were brought in to work on essential assembly lines and party members were mobilized to try to replace the work crews. Some machines were working but at slow speed.

The military and police convened meetings of management personnel to deal with the situation. In one factory, it was announced that striking would be met with five years imprisonment. However, many of the strikes were conducted under the guise of cigarette breaks and the like, and very little could be done to bring charges. The bus and tram drivers, for example, had tried to rearrange their schedules so that they would arrive at the depots or last stops exactly at noon.

'Solidarity' banners and signs with the emblem of the Polish resistance movement of World War II were put up at some of the factories.

One case of recrimination occurred at the Ursus tractor factory, where in one division there was an open strike. Eight were fired and twenty transferred to the warehouse. Workers threatened to strike on May 15th unless the eight were reinstated. A stop and start strike was conducted on that day, menaced constantly by detachments of the ZOMO.

At the Warsaw Steelworks, a Polish television news team arrived at 12:45 to film work crews at their posts. The workers were not cooperative. Instead, the evening news had to show footage from three years earlier at the Steelworks.

The official news played down the strikes and gave very low figures regarding the number of strikers. For example, at the Zwarz factory, the official press reported 150 on strike. The Solidarity press reported 2,500, or 90% participation.

Silesia:

Approximately ten mines went on strike, despite arrests and detentions prior to May 13th. The police searched miners and met with management personnel as in Warsaw. Present as well were detachments of a new police formation, the Internal Security Corps for Mines.

The Katowice Steelworks, the largest in Poland, also went on strike in various divisions. All workplaces in Tychy were on strike for the fifteen minutes.

There were also demonstrations at Silesia University and the polytechnical school; 50 students were arrested.

Krakow:

The majority of the divisions at the Lenin Steelworks went on strike, the workers wearing electronic resisters and 'Solidarity' badges. 'Preventive arrests' had taken place a few days prior to May 13th. Three other factories, as well as the Krakow University and the Polish Academy of Sciences, were also reported to have been struck.

Elsewhere

Wroclaw: All factories are reported to have gone on strike.

Elwro: A majority of factories and offices are reported to have gone on strike.

Bialystok All the larger factories conducted the work stoppage, although the secret police threatened arrest and detention.

Torun: A majority of enterprises stopped work under pretext of cigarette breaks and the like.

Lodz: Ten textile factories went on strike.

ARRESTS AND REPRISALS AFTER THE MAY 13 GENERAL STRIKE

The official statement at the Council of Ministers following the May 13 strikes and the demonstrations of May 1 and 3 cited 2,269 arrests in Warsaw alone, most of whom had been immediately sentenced by the Petty Offences Tribunal to heavy fines and up to three months imprisonment. Twenty four received longer sentences and an additional 211 have been interned without charges. Fifty drivers who honked their horns and stopped their cars, according to the May 14 report on television news, lost their driving privileges. Dismissals were conducted against any activists of the strikes. On May 20, a Justice Ministry spokesman said that 99 had been sentenced for up to three years and that 164 for longer sentences.

Arrests and detentions took place prior to the May 13 strike and after the May 1 and 3 demonstrations. For example, in Elblag, 500 were arrested prior to May 13, according to Mazowsze Weekly. In Lodz, thirty five were arrested from one factory alone. Additional information is not available.

page 5

MAY 1982: ASSESSING THE SITUATION

[The Regional Executive Committee for the Mazowsze--otherwise known as the Warsaw--region analysed the success of the protest actions of May 1st, 3rd, and 13th in the June 1st issue of Mazowsze Weekly.]

1. The march of May 1st was an expression of the determination of the working people of Warsaw--of their will to fight for the revocation of the state of war, for the restoration of union liberties, and for the release of the interned and arrested.

2. The demonstrations of May 3rd were spontaneous. We would like to thank all those who manifested their ties to our national tradition by taking part in them. We think that they had every right to do so.

Those who used drugged, savaged riot police to attack a peaceful demonstration, those who sent out special police and security service groups to provoke the people and damage the city (there is proof to this effect: it takes the form of taped police conversations, films and photographs), bear the full responsibility for the fact that this demonstration was transformed into street riots.

3. The strike of May 13th encompassed, despite threats and repressions, 70% to 80% of the working people of Warsaw. We want to express our sincere thanks to those who responded to the appeal from the Regional Executive Committee and the Temporary Coordinating Committee of Solidarity by taking part in this protest.

In view of the repressions which took place after the strike, the problem of caring for the interned, the arrested, those who have been fired from work, and their families has become more acute. We appeal to Solidarity factory commissions to activate committees of social help. Although the experiences of the last five months testify to the fact that the overwhelming majority of the population is opposed to the introduction of the state of war and the politics of WRON, the methods of action employed so far have been insufficient to force the authorities to withdraw from repressions and to come forth with a plan for a national accord.

The lack of any show of good will on the part of the authorities--disregard for the wishes of the population, heightened repression, the threat that Solidarity will have its legal status revoked and will be dissolved, unemployment and the continually worsening material and financial problems of the population--all this is leading unavoidably to a radicalization of workers' views and to a general strike. Several dozen large plants and factories of the Mazowsze region have asked the Regional Executive Committee to set its date.

The fact that a spontaneous eruption is on the one hand less effective, on the other more dangerous, leads us to the conclusion that preparations for organizing a general strike should be undertaken on all union levels.

We appeal to Temporary Factory Commissions to call up organizational structures for the general strike. Their functions in the near future will be:

* to take a poll in their place of work in order to determine when it will be ready to call a strike, and what forms this strike should take;

* to establish communication with neighboring factories in order to agree on collaboration during the strike;

* to work out a plan ensuring the safety of the workplace and the necessary provisions for the duration of the strike.

The results will, when forwarded to us, be the basis on which the Temporary Coordinating Commission and the Regional Executive Committee will make further decisions.

At the same time the Regional Executive Committee reiterates its desire for a national agreement. Our only aim, in accordance with the announcement of the Temporary Coordinating Commission of April 22nd, is the release of all the interned and amnesty for all the arrested and sentenced.

The thirteenth of each month remains a day of national protest against the state of war.

The methods of protest that have been used until now--that is, putting out the light, 15 minute warning strikes, etc.--have been suspended in our region. Decisions concerning protests to take place on the thirteenth of the coming months will be forwarded to union activists.

Warsaw, 5.27.82

Zbigniew Bujak

Zbigniew Janas

Wiktor Kulerski

Zbigniew Romaszewski

page 7

PREPARE FOR THE ULTIMATE WEAPON: THE GENERAL STRIKE

[The following is an open letter from Wladyslaw Frasyniuk, the chairman of the Wroclaw region of Solidarity who has escaped arrest, to the Regional Strike Committee of Wroclaw Solidarity and to all union members. The letter was received in the form of a leaflet.]

All forms of action are subordinate to a goal, which determines the choice of tactics we use. Our goal is to build a self-managing society. The main method for realizing this goal is the free trade union Solidarity. An attempt was made to destroy the union, in order to completely deprive Polish society of its own will. This attempt at destruction used violence, but we have rejected violence as a way of fighting for our goals. It is inconsistent with our values, with our ethical code. For no matter how just the goal for which we struggle, that goal ceases to be just if we try to realize it by discreditable means. By employing violence we become like those who persecute us. For this reason we cannot allow uncontrolled or provoked outbursts.

We cannot allow bloodshed. And blood can be shed easily when the field of battle is the street and when a defenseless and unorganized crowd is attacked by armed and trained teams of riot police.

Various and pluralist forms of social self-defense are valuable, but I think that protest actions, and especially street demonstrations on a nationwide scale, which are uncoordinated and scattered, are ineffective and hence pointless. On the other hand, a struggle led by a strong, energetic, and consolidated social organization is capable of 'changing the course of events.' Only this kind of organization could force the authorities into a compromise with society.

On the surface, our tactics take the form of slow and ineffective rebuilding of the working world into an organization supported by union structures; an organization capable of protecting social interests by using as its ultimate weapon the general strike. The situation in our country is such that this ultimate weapon may soon prove to be necessary. Thus, all our actions are and must be subordinated to preparing for such a strike.

In order to call a general strike, we must organize on the factory level. We must ensure the protection of factories and the means of communication between them. All the necessary steps must be taken in order to ensure that this strike has the highest possible chance of success.

We want to build our country's future through peaceful means. On April 22, Solidarity 's Temporary Coordinating Commission proposed that a dialogue be undertaken with the government camp. We accepted as the basis for negotiations the principles of a national accord as they were formulated by the Primate's Social Council; the only initial condition from which we shall not withdraw is the release of all the interned and amnesty for all arrested and sentenced political prisoners. This expression of our good will, however, unfortunately received no reply. And it is precisely in order to induce the authorities to initiate talks with the leaders of the Independent and Self-Governing Trade Union, Solidarity, headed by Lech Walesa, that we are prepared to reach for the greatest weapon that our union possesses: the general strike.

Wladyslaw Frasyniuk

Wroclaw, June 1, 1982

page 8

SHOW TRIALS: THE NEXT REPRESSION?

[In the tenth issue of Zomorzodnosc, dated May 8, 1982, and published in Krakow, underground Solidarity leaders issued the following statement concerning the threat of impending show trials of those who have been interned indefinitely without charges since December 13, 1981. Among those who signed the communique are the four members of the Temporary Coordinating Commission: Zbigniew Bujak, Wladyslaw Frasyniuk, Wladyslaw Hardek, and Bogdan Lis. 'Zomorzodnosc' plays on the word in Polish, 'Somorzodnosc,' which means self-management or self-government. The 's' in 'Somorzodnosc' has been changed to a 'z' to correspond with ZOMO,' the acronym in Polish for the armed riot police.]

Concern and anxiety are increasing about the fate of those who have been interned and imprisoned after the introduction of the state of war in Poland. Everything points to the existence of a new danger that now hangs over them: trials are being prepared on trumped-up charges according to the model used in the Stalinist era.

Even before the military coup, at closed meetings employees of the militia, the army, the party apparatus, and the higher ranking members of the state and economic administration were being informed that a bloody pogrom against communists and their families was allegedly being prepared by Solidarity. Forged letters were shown as proof of this, indicating those marked for extermination, appropriate instructions, and so on. The effect of this propaganda of terror was heightened when employees of the party apparatus were handed arms and when, in some places, their families were evacuated and the apartments of party activists, officers, employees of the militia and the political police were marked. During the period directly preceding the coup, this whole exercise concerned that part of the population which was most trusted by the party and military authorities and was to provide a pretext for doing away with Solidarity.

After the coup, false information continued to be disseminated, not only among party members, but also in factories, schools, and workplaces in general. In some junior high schools, for instance, army officers told the children that Solidarity activists had planned to kidnap the children of officers and police, and use them as cover during attacks on barracks and public buildings or use them in exchange for weapons. Revelations of this type are gradually being brought to public attention, for example, in recent commentaries in our press and TV by high ranking party and politburo members.

Solidarity adopted the principle of nonviolence as its basis for political action. Its history bears out the fact that it has remained true to this principle.

Another major cause for anxiety stems from remarks made in the mass media, and especially on television, concerning alleged contacts of certain Solidarity activists with foreign intelligence. The birth of Solidarity is also presented as the result of the back-stage dealings of various intelligence services...There is no doubt that this is yet another provocation that could serve as a pretext for heightened repressions.

The legal code in Poland, even the legal code under the state of war, does not allow for Solidarity leaders and activists to be sentenced in a court of law for what they actually did.

The Amnesty Act passed by the authorities on the day of the coup would further hinder such a trial. No one can be sentenced for organizing strikes, publishing union bulletins or projects for reform of the state structure before December 13, 1981. Hence there is cause to fear that the government may try to provide grounds for trials by presenting forged documents and false testimony that will support the charges that Solidarity activists and advisors were planning massacres, engaged in espionage, and so forth.

On the day of the coup, Solidarity's buildings and archives were robbed; its stamps were stolen. It will therefore be quite simple for the authorities to forge whatever documents they wish and present them as proof of crimes planned or committed by Solidarity members.

We therefore appeal to public opinion, to unionists, and to people of good will throughout the world. We want you to be aware of the danger which threatens many social and union activists in Poland.

We hope that your interest and your opposition will turn back that danger, will turn back lawlessness, and prevent new wrongs and sufferings.

Zbigniew Bujak, Chairman of Warsaw Solidarity, member of Presidium of Solidarity's National Commission.

Bogdan Lis, Member of Presidium of Gdansk Regional Commission of Solidarity
Piotr Bednarz, Vice Chairman of Wroclaw Solidarity's Regional Commission

Wiktor Kulerski, Vice Chairman of Warsaw Solidarity's Regional Commission

Wladyslaw Frasyniuk, Chairman of Wroclaw Solidarity's Regional Commission
Wladyslaw Hardek, for the Krakow Solidarity Regional Commission

page 10

YOU NOW HAVE THE GOLDEN HORN

[The 13th issue of Mazowsze Weekly, dated May 12, 1982, published a response by Jacek Kuron to Zbigniew Bujak and Wiktor Kulerski, leaders of the Warsaw Region of 'Solidarity,' in the continuation of their debate on the strategy which the underground union should adopt. Kuron's initial article, along with Bujak's and Kulerski's respective replies, were published in the 8th issue of Mazowsze Weekly, and were reprinted in English in Committee in Support of Solidarity Reports, no. 1.

The title of Kuron's letter alludes to a symbolic prop in a Polish play 'The Wedding.' Written early in this century, the play is set during a peasant wedding, but the real subject is the question of regaining Polish independence. A supernatural character called Chochol gives one of the peasants a magical object, a golden horn, which will help mobilize the people for a national uprising But the peasant falls asleep and loses the magic horn. He is left only with a piece of rope, a symbol of the lost chance and continued slavery.]

(An open letter to Zbigniew Bujak, Wiktor Kulerski and other activists in the resistance movement)

As can be seen in the exchange in Mazowsze Weekly, no. 8, there is a fundamental difference between myself and Zbigniew Bujak and Wiktor Kulerski, concerning the reading of the situation and the choice of the methods of action. That doesn't matter. The important thing is that we understand each other's reasons, since such understanding provides the basis for meaningful discussion, and a chance that some benefit may derive from it.

1. As I understand it, you propose to build a kind of social movement that, before August 1980, we used to call 'social self-defense,'--that is, organizing people in various circles for the purpose of together solving their troublesome problems. Such self-organization constitutes a basis for the growth of more general initiatives: publishing, cooperative education, formulation of programs. In my 'Thoughts on the Program for Action' (1976), I pointed out that such a movement must be based on the full independence of local groups. Forgive me this self-advertising, but I wish to stress how close your idea is to me. It passed the test, bringing about the already irreversible August victory. Therefore I am not surprised that this particular concept of the movement enjoys such a wide following today. All of us make use of historical analogies. We all want to rely on proven experience. However, the current debate concerns methods of action that depend, first of all, on conditions entirely different from those before August.

2. What are the necessary conditions for the development of a movement of social self-defense? Let me mention three:

* individual people must have the possibility to act;

* their actions must have a chance of succeeding;

* the social system which provides the framework for the movement must possess at least some minimal give.

Under Gierek, the system met the first two conditions. His regime wanted to govern on the basis of social acceptance. Hence it instructed the party apparatus to yield in the face of [social] pressure.

Today, the generals and [party] secretaries have decided to rule not only without society's accept ance, but--to the contrary--against it. The basis of [their] rule consists of the ability to disperse demonstrations, break strikes, arrest, intern, beat up and shoot people. So long as the generals and secretaries possess this capability, they will not yield one millimeter to any pressure. In this matter we have seen all there was to see and hear. There is no room for illusions on this score. Let's add that they cannot concede to any demands, because there is no give left. They cannot refrain from lowering wages, firing workers, decreasing food rations. And, after all, no social movement can waive economic demands unless it becomes a co-manager of the country. Without a genuine social accord, the economic decline cannot be stopped. I opened my 'Escape From the Impasse' with a justification of this thesis. Unfortunately, you ignored it in your arguments.

Under the conditions of a state of war, no movement of social self-defense, Or any other social movement that through its sheer existence would lead to the gradual change of the system, is at all possible.

3. A mass underground movement is being created. Publishing activities are being pursued. It is possible to organize self-education, and, above all, various ways of demonstrating [society's] will. Are these the goals for which people, despite the risk, join the movement? I contend that they are not. A mass social movement is always a means to important ends, which may be reached through organized action, and only through organized action. Self-education is possible without such a movement. Publishing, in and of itself, engages only a miniscule part of society. Demonstrations will not bring any immediate success.

They are very important in uplifting spirits when they show the strength of the movement. But if that strength is supposed to serve exclusively or primarily to raise spirits, then it gradually turns impotent.

At present many people are preoccupied with organizational activity. They are building a mass organization that will seek out tasks to realize the desired goals. The most limited, and at the same time widespread, goal is to achieve conditions that will enable people to live normal lives. Neither the tasks that you propose, nor any other local or segmental tasks, can bring us even a millimeter closer to this goal. Underground activity cannot directly accomplish this either, because it is always a preparation for something. If you do not specify what the movement is supposed to be preparing for, then only the organization will remain. Along with disappointment, anger, and hatred. From that hatred, terror will ultimately be born.

Acts of aggression and despair can, within certain limits be restrained by a central coordinating body--provided it exists and can communicate with all the regions and branches of the movement. But this command center will lose all influence on the movement if it turns out that it lacks a program for finding a way out of the situation. Let's note, by the way, that the present blossoming of organizational activity naturally leads to centralization of the movement.

If the activists in the leadership of 'Solidarity,' even some of them, will hold this process back, then several centers will emerge. Along with the conflicts that unavoidably arise, this will create ideal conditions for provocation.

4. You claim that people can hold out for a long time, and you cite history. Here we differ with regard to facts. Last year the national income fell 13%.

This year--if we receive considerable aid from the East and some credits from the West--according to the officially published expert forecasts, the national income will fall 17 to 22% further. Let 's ignore the fact that substantial aid from the East will not materialize, and that Western credits are at the least doubtful. Let's just assume the figure of 20%. This is a catastrophe unknown in the history of modern societies. Nobody can conceive of its economic, social and moral consequences.

On what are you basing your faith that the Poles will bear such a catastrophe with patience--in a situation, to boot, where the authorities constantly provoke us with arrogance and terror? Are you basing it on the fact that we showed patience from January until today? Never mind that the conditions will deteriorate with increasing velocity. However, let us take into account that the restraint of Polish society--about which we agree--is nothing else but faith in 'Solidarity.' That means faith in you and in the resistance movement.

People restrain their despair, anger and fury because they undertake activities to which you call them--or to which they believe you are calling them. They believe that you know the way, that you are leading them to victory. They will quickly come to the conclusion that the call to keep on going in the underground is the most costly road to defeat. What then? It is possible of course that the authorities will be able to prevent a national explosion. There may be many local explosions--violently crushed. Let us add to this the biological, social and moral consequences of the economic catastrophe. We may bear witness to the destruction of the nation even without foreign intervention. I don't know whether 'Solidarity' can or cannot sustain any more defeats. But I do know that we shall not avoid defeats if we abandon the struggle.

5. By organizing 'Solidarity' we, its activists, took upon ourselves an enormous responsibility. We shall not escape it by avoiding the search for fundamental solutions. In order to avoid the catastrophe that the state of war has brought down on Poland, I am inclined to voice the necessity of even the farthest reaching concessions on the part of the, society. The limit of such concessions is the realization of the essential condition of the social compromise--that is, creating the situation in which the authorities will communicate with society, rather than with themselves (under various guises and persons). In short, the necessary condition for a compromise is a society organized independently of the state authorities.

It is impossible to build a program on a hope that the generals and secretaries will agree to a compromise of their own free will. It is necessary to accept [the fact] that force yields only to force, and to announce clearly that the movement will not shrink from using force.

I conceived that such an announcement would specify the approximate time limit--for example, 'in the fall,' or 'in the summer'. This would be the most effective way to restrain acts of despair and aggression. In light of publication of such announcements, every demonstration of social will throughout the country (lighted candles, minutes of silence, group hunger strikes, common elements of dress, short strikes, etc.) make the threat more real and show the movement's readiness.

I conceived that the movement would from the beginning undertake propaganda among soldiers and police, by all available means. They have to be called upon to communicate among themselves, and the movement should establish communications with them. In my opinion this activity should be the essential task of the movement.

The proclaimed action may of course take the form of a general strike, continuing indefinitely until its success. But this would hand the generals and secretaries an opportunity to attack chosen points and to exploit their superiority in personnel and equipment. If we do not secure the cooperation of a decisive majority of soldiers and policemen, the strike must be coupled with an attack on the chosen centers of authority and communications, in concert with that minority of soldiers and policemen who decide to stand with us. A warning can also be given that such assault will be launched if striking enterprises are attacked.

The assumption that fear of attack will stiffen the generals and secretaries would be justified if one could believe that anything other than fear would make them prone to concessions. If you declare that the movement will not use force, you are misleading them. Confident in their security, they won't yield one millimeter.

While the authorities entered the talks with the Episcopate concerning the national accord and the social compact, they did this only in order to legitimate a practice contrary to any agreement. Once the real danger appears, the Episcopate will cease to be a party to the talks, and will become a welcomed mediator. Take into account that today the moderate proposals of the Primate's Social Council--the only ones other than official--are radically extreme. Only when you step forward as a party [to the dialogue] will they become a basis for a realistic compromise. It is true that if such compromise comes about, those who issued the threats will be put on the outer limits of a reborn society. Too bad.

6. I do not urge you to declare attack. However, I do urge you to organize earnestly a center for the movement, and an efficient information network. It must be emphasized that this will not limit the independence of individual regions or branches. But it will limit the danger of provocation, and actions that have not been well thought out. Because certain types of action must be just as emphatically reserved for the center.

I urge you further to announce that if the authorities do not listen to the will of society, expressed in various ways, if they do not undertake the effort to save the country from catastrophe, if they do not try to reach a compromise with society, then the movement will be forced to resort to violence.

I urge you finally to undertake propaganda among the soldiers and police. You will find a good reception among them, and this in itself will constitute a potent threat to the authorities.

Above all, a common program, agreed to by all leading activists in the resistance movement, is absolutely necessary.

Forgive me for playing the philosopher. I know how hard you work, and how great are the successes you've achieved. But you've found yourselves in a situation with no escape. Even if we are not equal to the task, we must rise to it. It is we who must point out the solution to a situation that seems insoluble.

You did not volunteer for so heavy a burden, yet you cannot evade it. You now have the golden horn...

JACEK KURON

page 15

WHY I WILL NOT EMIGRATE

[The last issue of Committee in Support of Solidarity REPORTS published an article by Andrzej Zagozda--a pseudonym--that had appeared in Mazowsze Weekly. It concerned the dilemma posed by signing the declaration of loyalty. In a subsequent issue of Mazowsze Weekly, Zagozda wrote another article, concerning the dilemma posed by the authorities in their offer to internees to emigrate from Poland if they so chose. Since the offer was made, only a handful have applied

for emigration. Many of these have been denied passports.]

You asked me for my response to General Jaruzelski's proposal that I go abroad for good, that I emigrate. This is a privilege conferred only upon those who are interned. Neither the sentenced, nor the imprisoned, nor even the normal citizens who were not deemed deserving of internment, may apply to leave the country.

Well, the answer to your question is relatively simple: no, I do not intend to emigrate. But the problem of emigration itself is neither simple nor new, nor is it insignificant. As far back as your memory can reach, our attitude to emigration has been ambivalent: one of envy tinged with distrust, a mixture of megalomania and an inferiority complex. Surely you remember from your childhood those bitter remarks about people who would return 'in shining armour'; snide remarks about writers who 'chose freedom;' ironic jokes and sarcastic comments. And we must honestly admit that this was one tactic in which the propaganda was successful. In the fifties and sixties, in the years of our youth, emigration was not well thought of. It was something alien to us. The person who turned his back on his country put himself outside the nation, refusing to share its changing fortunes, who nurtured a hopeless longing for a return to the old ways, to his own privileges--this was the stereotype of the emigrant; the emigrant who opted for easy bread, safety and well-being, and who was paid by the Americans to tell lies about Poland over Radio Free Europe.

It was a common attitude that, in order to make statements about important Polish affairs, you had to be here, on the Vistula, where life is cumbersome and hard, and not on the Thames or the Seine, where it is comfortable and safe.

Few people back then read emigrant journals; fewer still sought in them inspiration for undertaking political activities. After the Stalinist terror people wanted peace; after years of wartime poverty, they looked to their finances; they sought satisfaction in their families, their professions. For the emigrants, this way of thinking was unacceptable. For them the 'small stabilization' was not enough: they had to think in terms of 'Independence and Democracy.' People were unwilling to accept any programs of action that entailed an overall change in their own lifestyles; the emigration could only disturb their internal stabilization, could only be a constant pang for consciences too eager to" abandon their aspirations to widen the realms of national and human liberties. The Poles scattered throughout the world were seen as rich relatives from abroad, not products of the Polish fate in the 20th Century....This was possible in a country whose culture is inextricably linked with the position of the emigrant; in a country which for many years had a spiritual existence thanks to its emigration: romantic literature, the music of Chopin, the political work of the Great Emigration; a country where people ought to understand quite well the sense and meaning of emigration.

But as much as that great, nineteenth-century emigration was valued, taught in schools, eulogized at universities, that modern, twentieth-century one, was ignored and disdained.

But only up to a point. As the official propaganda became more bothersome, the censors more adept at fishing out incorrect allusions in books and newspapers, and the impulse to protest and self-defense stronger, so too was the emigrants' contribution more frequently and readily used. Everyone listened to Radio Free Europe--they sought there not only information about the rest of the world, information kept from them, but also true news about their own country, about the madness of censors and the protests of intellectuals. The rebellious intelligentsia sought a way to reach its own society by way of London and Paris--and it found that way. Thus it was also that the emigrants found a common language with their country, conversed with it, became once again needed, once again its living part.

It was not a process devoid of conflicts. To co-operate with the emigration was a risk to which successive sentences in successive trials bore witness. But the bridge that had been rebuilt was functioning. Emigrant publications began to contain an increasing number of texts from Poland, as these in turn became increasingly interesting. The 'small stabilization' came to an end; the 'great confusion' of 1968 reigned.

(...) The emigration was coming home. Its books were smuggled en masse through the border, passed from hand to hand, hidden away from the watchful eye of the police; the emigration brought knowledge about the world and truth about our national history; it brought masterpieces of modern literature and uncensored reflections on Polish hope and hopelessness. But the emigration itself, enriched by newcomers, was transformed. Emigrants were no longer the anonymous peers of our parents and grandparents. They were your friends, and mine.

One of the numerous consequences of the March event was that the question of emigration was once again put before the Polish intelligensia. The state authorities allowed emigration. Thus the professor and the student expelled from the university were faced with the question: what now?

The ancient Polish question: here or there; de facto emigration or internal emigration; compromise and limited work, or a non-compromising attitude and silence; work within the official structures, or the building of independent ones?

You remember, of course, how frequent were the arguments on the subject, how varied the answers to these questions, how different the ways in which the pros and cons were weighed. And today it is quite clear that the August breakthrough was a result of everyone's contributions: people from the independent structures, who organized help for the repressed, created free trade unions, initiated independent publishing houses; people from the official structures, who spoke, if not so forcefully, at any rate more loudly, and created the valuable middle realm between the illegal and the official; people, finally, from the emigration, who wrote and published wise books abroad, organized material help for people in Poland, and told the world what was happening there.

But none of this has been clearly seen until today. Then, in 1968, dilemmas were sharper, more clear-cut, and choices rarely conceived of as complementary. You remember, for how could you forget, the conflicts, the mutual accusations, the bitterness of friends and the satisfaction of enemies, our anger at those who chose to emigrate...

Today we regret our anger, but not our choice. We remained in Poland then, although the decision was not an easy one, nor safe; of this we were often reminded by government officials as they went about their tasks. Let us repeat: everyone was right then. But if you remember the essential theme of our arguments, it was concerned with resisting the communist authorities, who had divided us into 'Jews' and 'Arians,' and proceeded to permit the 'Jews' to 'choose their native land.' The anger was directed at Gomulka, Moczar, and their colleagues; they had introduced racist criteria into our country. But it was reflected back onto our friends who unresistingly bowed before them.

Why did they leave? For various reasons, because of wounded national pride and personal dignity that had been trampled upon, for bread and peace and stabilization, the feeling of safety, the possibility of academic work in conditions of freedom--and also to serve the Polish cause. Because, finally, they wanted to; and people should be allowed to satisfy desires of this kind. Today no one could reasonably say that by leaving, these people put themselves outside the nation.

But there are those that are unreasonable; and these should also be considered. For the unreasonable, then, and for the young, uninformed, lied to-- for -all these, none of this was so obvious. For them, the emigrants were the ones that had fled. For these young and unreasonable ones it was significant that not everyone had left. The activities and intentions of those who were abroad were lent credibility by those who had remained: scholars, writers, participants in the student movement. Here, in Warsaw, Krakow, or Gdansk, you by your stand, lent meaning and credibility to those in New York or Paris, in London or Stockholm; you gave the stamp of authenticity to their activities, their books and their declarations. In other words, you, by your refusal to emigrate, gave meaning to those who had chosen to do so. When it was publicly asked: 'Did today's emigration break their attachment to Poland when they got bitten?' you, by your presence and by your stand, robbed such talk of its meaning.

But it was only people instructed by officials who posed such questions. For this reason their arguments should not be disregarded. One should continue to remind the young and unreasonable of the values of emigration; but one should never forget how it can be perceived. We must remember that, in societies which are enslaved and broken up, emotions enjoy no small amount of popularity. These emotions are the product of years of amassed frustration: frustration born from a failed life, a destroyed professional career, an excess of moral compromises. All this can blossom into aggression against others, against those who were successful, who found their place under the sun, who do not share our poverty and who are free from our humiliations. If the government apparatus exercises some skill in manipulating these emotions, we sometimes observe a phenomenon where aggression is displaced: the burden of odium falls, not on the authorities, but on its opponents, most frequently those who have emigrated.

These discoveries are not revelatory; neither are they optimistic or uplifting. But they do, you must agree, realistically describe the mechanism of human anger in this best of all possible worlds.

All this is worth keeping in mind when, today, again thanks to the graciousness of the communist authorities, you are faced with the question of emigrating.

Among the interned, this problem is the subject of animated discussions--little wonder that this should be so. There was a time when people like you and me had to look forward only to an execution squad or a prison sentence for espionage. Today it is said that we have a choice: leave or wile away an indefinite time behind bars.

Your choice, then: prison or exile. It is interesting to consider why, in a state which under normal conditions it is difficult to leave, the government apparatus offers this choice to people considered its enemies.

It would seem that the calculations of the apparatus are simple. The emigration is supposed to break 'Solidarity' from within and render it odious in the eyes of society; it is supposed to reveal the moral weakness of people who loudly clamored for 'Poland to be Poland,' and proceeded after a few months to leave Poland for Canada. It will be easy to oppose these people before the 'healthy base,' which will set about creating a trade union cleansed of 'politicos,' of the 'Solidarity extremists.'

The state apparatus wants to use Soviet models from the past ten years, when creating the opportunity of emigration, for the dissidents undermined the democratic movement. The worker activist, the opposition intellectual--so the official reasons--loses his weight in the West. After a short time his attractiveness wanes, he becomes a troublesome acquaintance, a burdensome frequenter of the waiting rooms of various institutions, where people only think of ways to get rid of him. He ceases to be an authority for the country, and ceases at

the same time to be listened to in the West.

You know the West, so you know that there is some truth in this line of reasoning. Emigrants are set at variance with others, doomed to rely on themselves alone, forgotten by the world...

The road from prison to emigration is also all too frequently a journey from hell into oblivion. But this is not the point. Politically, each one of us, by deciding to emigrate, makes a gift to Jaruzelski, a gift of his authority; we provide him with an excellent argument against 'Solidarity;' we facilitate for him the pacification of society.

Andrzej Z. wrote from his internee's cell in a letter to his interned friends: 'we are a symbol of resistance for our society. Not because we are so wonderful, but because the authorities, by depriving us of our freedom, have thrust this role upon us in their play entitled "The State of War;" it is a role we play, whether we will it or no.' Hence--noblesse oblige. The chance of leaving, Andrzej Z. also wrote, is given us not because that is the right of every citizen in this country, but because we are perceived, rightly or not, as people who are 'trusted by society,' and are therefore supposed, according to the government's intentions, to prove ourselves unworthy of this trust.

It is one thing to exercise freedom of choice in one's country of residence, and another again to buy freedom at the cost of bringing advantage to the criminal who has deprived us of that freedom, and at the cost of those who will not be offered he opportunity of such a transaction.

This offer of emigration is a challenge thrown to the 'Solidarity' movement by the government apparatus--a moral and political challenge. Interned 'Solidarity' activists who today choose to emigrate commit an act that is at once one of desertion and capitulation.

I know this is a strong formulation...but think for a moment of those people who organized the December strikes in your defense, posted leaflets in your defense, people who are hunted down by the police for organizing in your defense, and of their reactions, as they sit in their prisons and hideouts, to your decision to leave Poland.

I am not thinking here only of the political scope of the issue, of the fate of the 'Solidarity' movement; I am thinking merely of simple human decency and of basic loyalty. Decency and loyalty not only towards those who are fighting; also towards those who trusted you, those in whom you kindled the flame of belief in disinterestedness, in honesty and dignity of public life; those who bring you food to the internment camp, who pray for you in churches, who think of you with faith, hope and love; those for whom you are--as is all of 'Solidarity'--a symbol of a better Poland, of tomorrow's Poland.

You must remember that here politics is inextricably linked with moral questions: the political choice is unavoidably a moral choice.

I know you do not believe in a quick victory, in a rapid rebuilding of the pre-December 'Solidarity;' you know that before you lies a road of drudgery marked by suffering defeats and by the bitter taste that remains after contact with human smallness. And it is not as if you idealized that pre-December 'Solidarity' either. You remember too well your own anxiety at the direction the changes were taking, too well the mechanism whereby the shrill of voice and cunning of mind were allowed to advance and have their way, a mechanism of dizziness from intoxication with power and of outrage at the sudden advancements, the mechanism that created a court with its court intrigues. You saw this from close up; you must have seen, then, symptoms of a betrayed revolution and the beginnings of degeneration. But you also saw, during those months which you would not exchange for any others and which you were always ready to pay for with years in prison, you also saw people rising from their knees, people thirsting for true and free speech, people receiving free speech like communion, people with lit up faces and eyes full of trust--all this you saw, and you know it cannot be trampled underfoot and destroyed by tanks. And you will not see such faces on the boulevards of Paris...

I hope I have made clear my 'point of view. It is plain from what I have written that I have no anti-emigration phobia. It was not phobia that dictated to me these remarks. Nor was it patriotic blindness. Nor, finally, was it courage that dictated to me the choice of prison rather than that of exile. If anything, it was fear. Fear of losing my face while protecting my head.

Andrzej Zagozda

March 1982

page 20

THE CRAZIES

[The following are two official letters. One concerns some of the preparations for the official May Day demonstration on May 1st in Warsaw, and the other comments on implementing those preparations. Both letters were published in War Weekly, no. 16, dated May 5, 1982.]

Citizens' Militia Command

Warsaw-Central Precinct

Our REF: ZW 295/82

Warsaw, April 24, 1982

To: Citizen T. Zielinski

Director of the Nowomiejski Hospital

In connection with the protection of public order during the May 1st demonstration, I request that mentally ill persons who have a tendency to disturb it when various public celebrations take place, be placed in your hospital.

Such persons will be successively sent to you. Therefore, I do not ask that you confirm [their arrival], or that you issue appropriate instructions to employees who will be on duty between April 29 and May 1, 1982, and who will be receiving these people from the Citizens Militia.

Signed:

Precinct Commander Warsaw-Central

Maj. W. Czepinski

Warsaw, April 29, 1982

Our REF: DON 2/05/22/82

To: Precinct Commander

Warsaw-Central

Citizen Major W. Czepinski

In connection with your letter Of April 29th, your REF: ZW 295/82, which I received on April 28, 1982, I would like to point out the following:

Admittance of an ill person to a psychiatric hospital is regulated by the Instruction of the Minister of Health no. 120/52 of December 10, 1952, published in the Official Journal of the Ministry of Health on December 15, 1952, no. 24, it. 240.

The Instruction says that admission of a patient may take place:

a) when the patient himself requests it;

b) in case of minors and adults who are incapable of controlling their own behavior, if the request is submitted by a family member, or the legal guardian, or the person who actually takes care of the patient;

c) at the demand of a court or public prosecutor, but only if a certificate is issued, stating the necessity of treatment or examination in a psychiatric hospital.

In the case described under c) above, the decision of the court or of the public prosecutor, supported by expert psychiatric opinion, may serve as the basis for admission. In exceptional cases the admission may be based on a certificate issued by the doctor on duty at the time of admission, if a delay could result in a substantial deterioration in the condition of the patient, or if the patient is exceptionally dangerous to himself or others.

Signature illegible

WARSAW: All apartments facing the route of the May Day march were visited by the police, who thoroughly checked the people living in them, inquiring whether anybody had a criminal record or had a psychiatric illness and could conceivably 'disturb' the festivities. A mentally ill person from one apartment building was interned.

WOUNDED SOLIDARITY ACTIVIST STEALS AWAY FROM HOSPITAL

[From the Solidarity Information Bulletin from Warsaw, no. 52, dated June 3rd]

An activist of Solidarity, Jan Narozniak, who had avoided arrest despite the police dragnet, was stopped on the street May 25 at 11:00 P.M. by a police patrol. While his papers were being checked, Narozniak started to run. The police shot him, wounding him in the hand and hip. He was taken to the hospital on Banacha Street, where he underwent surgery.

[From the Solidarity Information Bulletin from Warsaw, no. 54, dated June 8]

Jan Narozniak disappeared from the hospital on Banacha Street before noon on June 7th, after surgery on gunshot wounds. Around 1:00 P.M., the news that Narozniak had been 'stolen' spread among the hospital employees. Around 3:00 P.M. the police surrounded the hospital, searching all the rooms and the cellar. All surgical personnel were interrogated.

page 22

'RADIO SOLIDARNOSC' AIRS IN POZNAN

[From the Solidarity Information Bulletin from Warsaw, no. 52, June 3rd]

On May 12, inhabitants of Poznan listened for nine minutes to the first broadcast of Radio Solidarity. The broadcast had been announced through leaflets three to four hours prior.

The radio appealed to soldiers: 'None of you chose the fate of a soldier, since military duty is compulsory in our country. Do not let yourself be duped by your political officers and by mendacious propaganda. Do not believe them. Do not be servile towards them because through lying they are only struggling to promote themselves. When you return to us, you will have to look into the eyes of your mother, your father, your sister, your brother, your friends from work who are repressed. You will return to us to share our fate and not the fate of those who are ready to commit any crime or to tell any lie in order to rule us.'

In addition, Radio Solidarity broadcast the appeal from the Temporary Coordinating Commission. A fragment of Lech Walesa's speech at the Lenin Shipyards August 30th was also broadcast.

page 23

APPEAL TO THE INTERNATIONAL LABOR ORGANIZATION

[The following is the full text of an address delivered by Bogdan Cywinski on June 14th to the delegates of the International Labor Organization Conference meeting in Geneva. Bogdan Cywinski, vice editor of Solidarity's National newspaper, Solidarity Weekly, was authorized by Lech Walesa to represent Solidarity at the ILO Conference.]

M r. President: Thank you for giving me the floor. I would also like to express, on behalf of our seven member delegation of Solidarity, my thanks to the International Confederation of Free Trade Unions and The World Confederation of Labour, who enabled us to participate in this 68th session of the ILO Conference.

A year ago our union was represented here officially. Lech Walesa delivered his speech here. Today Walesa is interned and kept in confinement. But he is full of hope that this ILO conference will help Solidarnosc. On this piece of paper, smuggled out of his place of confinement he gave his authorization to represent Solidarnosc here.

Accepting this honorable mission, I want to express to all of you present here our gratitude to all the working people of the world who for many months have given their genuine and many-sided help to the Polish people. A stream of humanitarian help is flowing into Poland from many countries in the world. This help is of great material significance. But the moral significance of this help is even greater, not that we experience not only want and poverty but also persecution. Ask those people who are going to Poland with lorries of food--they are welcomed not only as donors but allies, showing their solidarity.

Half a year ago, on the 13th of December, war was declared against millions of working people. This war was not started by us. It originated from fear on the part of the arbitrary authorities and the system backing them--fear caused by the clearly expressed will of society that had begun to get up on its feet and demand its rights be returned.

This war is continuing. People are being killed and wounded. People are interned and imprisoned and sentenced. Thousands of people have lost and are continuing to lose their jobs. What good are the signatures under the ILO Conventions or the Helsinki Agreement when, in Poland, one can be sentenced to ten years imprisonment for the continuation of trade union activities, when one can lose one's job, because one wears a Solidarnosc badge on one's overalls.

The official propaganda term for that is 'normalization.' In reality the political authorities want to show their power to Polish society and to the world. It cannot be denied that they have power. But this power is destructive.

The authorities have no creative, constructive power. Half a year of the state of war has proven that nothing in the country is changed for the better. The economy is not functioning. Poverty is increasing.

It has to be like this because no one has or ever will create anything with a police baton or tear gas. It will not be so easy to turn the society, which has tasted the feeling of being the subject of its rights, into the object of someone else's decisions.

Solidarnosc does exist and is active despite the state of war prohibitions. It is constantly calling for talks, for negotiations, for compromise. Society is unyielding in a remarkably calm way and displays it in its behavior. Society expects that the authorities will again show respect for civil and trade union rights, that the law will be respected.

Up until now--that hope has been in vain. And the alternative is the growing conflict. The bounds of society's endurance can be exceeded any day.

I will end with this. It is not important how many words the representative of Solidarnosc will say here. It is more important--and this is what we are now asking you for--that all those present here think once again about what can be done for our cause. Here, within the halls of the ILO conference, but also in the groups and organizations represented by them.

Let this moment of reflection spring from your solidarity with our Independent and Self-Governing Trade Union that you have already shown us. But let it also spring from your concern that the state of war in Poland can influence the state of other nations, continents, and the world.

It is peace and security that are at stake here--and hope. A year ago you would tell us that Solidarnosc meant hope for the working people of the world. It would be bad for the labor movement worldwide if the destruction of the values promoted by our union were to become a sign of hopelessness. Let us protect ourselves against this. Thank you, M r. President. Thank you all.

page 25

NOTHING TO CROW ABOUT

[The underground 'Solidarity' press reports the often bizarre ideas of the military commissars under a common title, 'The Crow: Its Brainstorms, Behavior, and Habits.' The following items appeared in 'Information from Solidarity,' referred to, here as INFOSOL.]

* Excerpts from [GOVERNMENT] posters in the street of Katowice: 'YOU will end up paying for yielding to the insinuations of political hustlers.' 'If you want to spare your children tears, do not submit to irresponsible temptations.' 'Soldiers, we thank you!' 'We thank you, General!' [INFOSOL #19]

* We have received CROW'S leaflets, distributed among the soldiers. One reads:

'Anyone who asks you where you are from, what you are armed with, what kind of food you receive, whether your commanding officer is OK, what your orders are -is suspect. He should be stopped, and the matter referred to your superior. Remember, the enemy is ruthless. He will take advantage of all your weaknesses. He is cunning and smart. He hides behind the back of the working class so it is hard to recognize him. Therefore, you should avoid all conversations with civilians.' [INFOSOL #21, February 2, 1982]

* We have received the next helping of leaflets distributed to soldiers. The drawings show people with hideous faces, armed with truncheons and knives--members of 'Solidarity,' the Independent Student Union, and the Confederation for Independent Poland. In one drawing they are shown running into a foreign embassy, carrying a sack. In another they check a sewer hole before 'going underground.' The next drawing shows a figure reaching for a knife, its hand is being crushed by a smiling riot policeman. Inside a prison cell: one inmate says: 'We wanted to get a new parliament, but instead they "got" us'.'

The graphics are matched by the captions. A sample of the style: 'For fifteen months we were living in an atmosphere of anxiety created by adventurers and provocateurs who came out against people's authority and fanned conflicts and tensions. Everything was falling down then: the economy, food supplies, social order. We were pressed down to the ground, deprived of our sense of security, of hope for tomorrow [...] The adventurers blown on an ill-wind do not cease in their efforts. They call on us to participate in marches and in demonstrations [...] in the name of their own, dirty interests, in the name of their furious race for power. Be vigilant. Do not let yourself be provoked.' [INFOSOL #31, March 9, 1982]

* The patriotic CROW: In Warsaw suburbs, music and singing teachers were instructed to conduct kindergarden classes that were 'swaddled in the science of patriotism.' [IN FOSOL #37]

* The CROW and the ingrates--a poster in Poznan: 'In thanks for: Kosciuszo, and Pulaski, the priceless toil of Polish hands in the mines of Pennsylvania, the steelworks of Indiana, the slaughterhouses of Chicago, and the heroism of American soldiers of Polish extraction on the battlefields of two World Wars--
AMERICAN ECONOMIC AGGRESSION AGAINST THE POLISH NATION: the halting of food shipments, blockade of credit, destruction of the poultry industry, expulsion of LOT Polish Airline from the American market, excluding of our fishing fleet from the North American fisheries, breaking the transfer of technology.'

Hear! Hear! America's insolence exceeds all bounds. Ask boldly, dear CROW: 'Why Reagan, by dickens, won't feed our chickens?' [INFOSOL #39, April 6, 1982]

A HIGH SCHOOL STUDENT IS AMONG THOSE SENTENCED

[It is estimated that under the harsh regulations of the state of war, 30,000 people have been arrested and sentenced. Below, as part of a continuing series in Committee in Support of Solidarity REPORTS, are the names of nine people who have been sentenced under the state of war regime.]

1. Irena Czinczoll-Wludyka of Olsztyn was sentenced to two and one half years in prison for distributing leaflets on December 14, 1981 at the Music High School where she was a teacher.

2. Roman Czyzyk was sentenced to three years in prison for 'belonging to an organization called "Punk," whose goal was to smear monuments.'

3. Stanislaw Dylag of Krakow, a bus driver, was sentenced to four years in prison for organizing a strike.

4. Jozef Grembowski of Jawtrzebie Zdroj, a miner, was sentenced to three and one-half years in prison for organizing a strike.

5. Mariusz Hinz of Gdansk was sentenced to seven years' imprisonment for organizing a strike.

6. Krzysztof Kazimeierczuk of Debno Lubuskie, a member of the underground organization 'Granite,' was sentenced to three years in prison, after being accused of putting up posters.

7. Tadeusz Kolodziejski of Gorzow Wielkopolski, vice chairman of the regional commission of 'Solidarity,' was sentenced to three years in prison for distributing leaflets among soldiers and militiamen.

8. Patrycjusz Kosmowski of Bielsko Biala, chairman of the regional commission of 'Solidarity,' was sentenced to Six years in prison for 'rebuilding the union underground.'

9. Jacek Koza, a high school student, was sentenced to four years in prison for founding an organization called ' Union for Independence.'

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